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le  Complete  Revohition 


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THE  LIBRARY 
OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


GIFT  OF 


THE 
COMPLETE  REVOLUTION 

JOHN  VANDERCOOK 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/completerevolutiOOvandiala 


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The  papen  hen  put  Into  permanent  fam  urnieTthe  iid<t  of ' '  The  Compiete 
Resolution,  "  are  the  lati  work  of  John  Vandercook. 

Much  of  the  matter  had  already  been  used  at  various  times  in  his  writ- 
ings, but  he  had  finally  brought  them  together  and  this  vwrk  had  scarcely  been 
concluded  ■mhen  Itfe  ended. 


/. 


THE    TIME    IS    RIPE 


V^^^^^  HE  Republic  is  bursting  from  its 
M  C^'^\  Eighteenth  Century  clothes.  A  sys- 
B  1     tern   designed    for    loosely    federated 

^^^^^^^  states  no  longer  serves.  The  Twen- 
tieth Century  brings  a  new  dawn  and 
a  new  deal.  The  day  for  patching, 
tinkering  and  compromises  has  gone.  The  time  for 
revolution  has  arrived.  People  are  not  satisfied 
with  their  government.  Upon  one  thing  both  great 
parties  agree,  that  only  under  leadership  of  radi- 
cals can  they  have  chance  for  success.  The  law  of 
progress  is  change,  and  without  progress  there  can 
be  no  stability.  When  there  has  been  a  long  time 
without  change,  revolution  must  come  to  set  stabil- 
ity up  again.  The  system  of  government  in  the 
United  States  has  not  changed  in  one  hundred 
years,  although  in  this  period  there  have  been  more 
changes  in  the  manner  of  living  and  in  the  organi- 
zation of  society,  than  there  were  in  the  previous 
thousand  years.  Government  has  become  out  of 
plumb  with  the  times.  Change  needed  amounts  to  a 
revolution;  not  a  revolution  of  blood,  but  revolution 
of  method,  such  as  that  of  1688  in  J^Jigland,  which 
peacefully  established  the  su])remac3'  of  Parliament 
over  the  King.  Today  it  comes  to  establish  the  su- 
{)remacy  of  the  peo])le  in  their  government. 

Hie  first  American  Revolution  abolished  monar- 
chy and  i)r()claimed  the  ecjual  right  of  every  citizen 
in  his  goxernment.      The  time  was  not   ripe,  how- 


ever,  for  the  complete  working  out  of  the  demo- 
cratic idea.  For  government  by  king  was  substi- 
tuted government  by  machinery.  The  machine  set 
up  was  with  checks  and  balances,  reserved  rights 
and  parchment  restrictions.  At  the  base  were  thir- 
teen states  of  semi-sovereign  power.  At  the  top 
were  Congress  and  an  executive  as  nearly  independ- 
ent as  they  could  be.  Supreme  above  all  was  a 
bench  of  nine  judges  appointed  for  life,  and  in  no 
way  answerable  to  the  people. 

Democracy,  through  suspicion  and  inexperience, 
forged  its  own  chains.  They  were  chains  neverthe- 
less. It  is  fair  to  believe,  that  in  a  period  when 
Europe  was  all  ablaze  with  revolution,  and  again 
ablaze  with  reaction,  these  chains  were  necessary  to 
hold  the  young  republic  in  its  course.  Today,  how- 
ever, every  essential  of  the  first  revolution  is  su- 
preme and  uncontested.  The  chains,  which  served 
their  purpose,  have  now,  for  twenty  years  held  us 
l)ack,  so  that  the  younger  democracies,  in  Australia 
and  Europe,  have  ceased  to  look  to  us  for  guidance. 

The  modern  world  has  found  new  principles  of 
])opular  rule,  which  we  long  for  but  are  powerless 
to  seize.  While  democracies  in  other  lands  are  find- 
ing that  the  machine  of  government  may  be  made 
less  intricate  and  the  part  of  the  people  in  their 
affairs  can  be  made  more  direct,  our  machine  grows 
more  intricate,  and  our  part  in  our  government  be- 
comes less  direct. 


Some  public  men  ask  for  one  thing  and  some  for 
another,  but  all  men  ask  for  change — complete  and 
satisfying  change. 

The  time  is  ripe. 

The  change  must  be  scientific,  progressive,  safe. 

It  must  be  so  great  as  to  be  called  a  revolution. 

What  shall  it  be? 


II. 

BASIS   OF  DEMOCRACY 


OVERNAIENT  by  a  single  family 
or  by  a  small  group  of  families  has 
always,  sooner  or  later,  ended  in  a 
failure.  Civilization  has  advanced 
chiefly  by  moving  into  new  territory, 
instead  of  by  success  in  any  one  place. 
Behind  its  westw^ard  progress,  civilization  has 
left  its  failures,  the  dead  and  dying  empires  of  the 
past.  With  the  occupation  of  Western  Europe 
and  the  American  Continent,  civilization  has 
no  new  territory  to  which  it  can  migrate.  Society 
must  do  what  it  has  never  yet  done — grow  and  suc- 
ceed in  one  place.  The  place  pre-eminently  for  the 
final  test  is  the  North  American  Continent.  Not 
only  our  own  destiny,  but  that  of  the  human  race 
may  hinge  upon  our  efforts. 

Society,  roughly,  is  divided  into  two  classes,  5  per 
cent,  of  the  rich  and  governing  and  the  95  per  cent, 
of  common  people.  By  being  able  to  point  to  the 
fact  that  man  for  man,  they  of  the  5  per  cent,  were 
more  fit  to  govern  than  those  of  the  95  per  cent., 
they  have  up  to  this  time  deceived  themselves  and 
the  world. 

The  revolution  must  immediately  and  emphatic- 
ally recognize  the  fallacy  of  this  claim.  Great 
men,  able  men,  are  essential  to  the  carrying  on  of 
the  country's  business.  The  country  which  pro- 
duces the  largest  number  of  great  men  is  the  coun- 
try which  is  most  successful.     The  chances  are  that 


family  for  family,  the  5  per  cent,  at  the  top  will 
produce  the  larger  number  of  competent  men  for 
each  family  than  will  be  produced  per  family  by  the 
95  per  cent,  at  the  bottom.  From  the  fact,  however, 
that  the  95  per  cent,  are  nineteen  times  more  nu- 
merous than  the  5  per  cent.,  the  chances  in  the  long 
run  are  infinitely  great,  that  the  mass  of  people  will 
supply  the  greatest  number  of  able  men.  It  is, 
therefore,  essential,  even  from  the  selfish  point  of 
view  of  its  own  success,  that  a  government  should  do 
everything  in  its  power  to  foster  the  welfare  and 
extend  the  opportunities  of  the  95  per  cent,  of  the 
population. 

Even  the  individual  of  today  who  is  of  the  rich 
or  governing  class,  if  he  consider  the  period  of  sev- 
eral future  generations,  can  more  wisely  provide  for 
the  interests  of  his  descendants  by  promoting  a  gov- 
ernment for  the  95  per  cent.,  than  he  can  by  trying 
to  keep  his  wealth  in  his  own  family,  or  by  promot- 
ing the  political  influence  of  his  own  class.  In  two 
or  three  generations,  the  majority  of  his  descend- 
ants are  certain  to  be  common  people.  The  individ- 
ual, exactly  like  the  state,  provides  best  for  himself 
and  his  family,  when  he  seeks  the  general  welfare 
of  all  instead  of  the  particular  welfare  of  a  few. 

Democracy  is  government  for  the  common  peo- 
ple in  that  it  must  provide  first  of  all  for  the  95  per 
cent. 

It  cannot  grant  franchise  privileges  for  the  bene- 
fit of  a  few. 


To  secure  the  welfare  of  the  mass,  the  democracy 
must  have  tools. 

The  revolution  will  provide  the  tools. 


THE  REVOLUTION  AND 
THE    CONSTITUTION 


EVOLUTION  must,  primarily  and 
first  of  all,  effect  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States.  It  was  the  orig- 
inal design  of  the  makers  of  the  con- 
stitution, that  it  should  be  amended 
frequently  and  kept  abreast  of  popu- 
lar desires  of  government.  It  was  only  fairly 
launched,  when  it  was  amended  by  adding  to 
it  a  Bill  of  Rights  in  the  form  of  the  first  ten  consti- 
tutional amendments.  These  amendments  have  be- 
come more  vital  and  important  than  the  constitution 
itself.  Washington,  impressed  with  the  necessity 
of  change,  declared  in  his  farewell  address  "The  best 
of  our  political  systems  is  the  right  of  the  people  to 
make  and  to  alter  their  constitutions  of  govern- 
ment." 

The  process  of  amendment,  however,  originally 
simple,  when  there  were  only  thirteen  states,  became 
more  and  more  complicated  as  new  states  were 
added.  It  took  the  crisis  of  the  civil  war  to  affect 
the  last  three  amendments,  and  today  with  46  states, 
the  difficulty  is  so  tremendous  that  it  has  almost 
ceased  to  be  suggested. 

But  this  present  crisis  in  national  affairs  must  be 
recognized  as  so  insistent  as  to  force  amendment 
despite  all  obstacles.  A  really  national  demand  for 
a  constitutional  convention  could  not  be  resisted, 
and  a  convention  once  assembled  would  be  as  sig- 
nificant, and  its  results  as  far  reaching  as  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Estates  of  France  under  Louis  XVI. 


Such  a  convention  would  either,  by  re-casting 
the  entire  constitution  or  by  providing  for  further 
amendment  by  referendum  vote  of  the  nation,  trans- 
form our  government  from  a  federal  into  a  national 
republic. 

Whatever  the  method,  the  change  would  be  in  the 
direction  of  greater  simplification,  of  the  modifica- 
tion of  present  legislative  and  judicial  theories  and 
of  providing  for  a  more  direct  participation  of  the 
people  in  their  affairs. 

The  convention  will  crown  Lincoln's  work — es- 
tablish that  we  are  one  nation  and  not  many.  It 
will  fix  within  the  fundamental  law  the  facts  of 
modern  life.  It  will  recognize  that  the  old  days, 
when  it  took  a  week  to  travel  from  Boston  to  Wash- 
ington, are  forever  gone,  and  the  conditions,  when 
by  reason  of  the  telegraph  the  country  is  only  fifteen 
minutes  big,  are  profoundly  different  than  they  were 
when  the  constitution  was  first  written. 

The  old  constitution's  splendid  guarantees  of  lib- 
erty will  be  preserved,  but  the  old  dead  dust  of  the 
past  will  be  swept  from  it,  and  there  will  be  breathed 
into  it  the  modern  spirit. 

The  twentieth  century  is  as  competent  as  the  eigh- 
teenth to  establish  law,  and  is  more  competent  by  the 
experience  of  the  intervening  hundred  years.  The 
spirit  of  patriotism  is  as  high,  education  is  more 
widespread,  and  instead  of  pioneers  exploring  the 
dim  frontiers  of  democratic  possibility,  we  can  today 


profit  by  the  lessons  learned  by  democracy  in  a  dozen 
nations. 

And  the  greatest  lesson  of  all  is  the  lesson  of  the 
necessity  of  change.  No  longer  is  the  law  "once  for 
all  delivered  to  the  saints,"  but  each  generation  will 
move  forward  to  its  own  destiny,  and  the  erection  of 
barriers  to  future  progress  will  be  no  work  of  the 
revolution  of  today. 


IV. 

THE  RE  VOL  UTION  AND 
STATE  RIGHTS 


ODAY,  out  of  46  states,  only  thirteen 
of  them  were  originally  separate  and 
independent.  The  other  33  were  cre- 
ated by  the  national  government. 
National  progress  requires  that  some 
of  the  power  delegated  to  the  states 
shall  be  withdrawn. 

The  federal  principle  of  government  is,  that  pow- 
ers not  expressly  delegated  to  the  central  govern- 
ment shall  be  exercised  by  the  states.  This  prin- 
ciple must  be  reversed.  Powers  not  expressly  dele- 
gated to  the  states  must  belong  to  the  national  gov- 
ernment. 

All  railroads,  telegraph  companies  and  large  cor- 
porations are  doing  an  interstate  business,  in  other 
words  a  national  business.  Logically  and  consist- 
ently, they  must  come  under  national  law.  Local 
administration  of  civil  and  criminal  law  may  be  left 
to  the  state,  but  the  afifairs  of  the  nation  must  be 
given  to  the  nation. 

Reserving  all  unspecified  powers  for  the  states,  as 
is  now  done,  simply  means  the  right  to  do  nothing. 
Reversing  this  process,  as  it  has  already  been  re- 
versed in  all  other  progressive  democracies,  is  sim- 
ply the  right  to  do  something.  The  revolution  will 
be  a  guide  to  "How  to  do  it"  and  will  upset  for  all 
time  the  present  vast  system  of  local  intricacies, 
whose  sole  object  is  'TIow  not  to  do  it." 

Canada  today,  except  in  the  ])crson  of  the  Gov- 


ernor  General,  is  organized  on  the  lines  of  a  national 
republic.  As  a  result  Canadians  have  in  their 
hands  the  power  to  do  things.  Where  communities 
have  desired  them,  they  have  promptly  secured  mu- 
nicipal street  cars,  government  telephones,  and  even 
in  one  case  a  municipal  opera  house.  Not  having  a^ 
their  legal  corner  stone,  the  principle  of  reserved 
powers,  or  *'How^  not  to  do  it,"  their  administration 
of  laws  is  direct  and  speedy.  The  forty-six  states 
with  reserved  powers  become  simply  46  hiding 
places  for  individual  or  incorporated  crime.  Forty- 
six  states  with  reserved  powers  have  become  46 
obstacles  to  employer's  liability,  to  humane  labor 
laws,  to  any  and  every  form  of  modern  progress. 

Forty-six  states  with  specified  and  delegated  pow- 
ers, all  reserve  authority  resting  with  the  nation, 
would  become  rivals  at  doing  things,  competitors 
with  each  other  in  progress  and  humanity,  instead 
of  46  nests  of  parasitic  lawyers,  determined  that 
nothing  shall  be  done. 

As  President  Eliot  of  Harvard  says,  "We  have 
become  a  nation."  It  is  no  longer  possible  to  defy 
facts,  history  and  common  sense  by  pretending  that 
we  are  not  a  nation.  Being  a  nation,  the  central 
government  must  have  national  power,  which  means 
power  with  reserved  rights  to  no  other  powers 
whatsoever. 

State  rights  received  their  death  blow  at  Gettys- 
burg, their  burial  service  was  read  at  Appomattox, 


and  it  is  time  that  their  tomb  stone  was  erected  with 
an  appropriate  epitaph. 

The  revolution  will  usher  in  the  National  Re- 
public. 


V. 


THE  REVOLUTION  AND 
THE   COURTS 


aNDER  our  present  system  of  judicial 
veto,  by  which  the  Supreme  Court 
may  cancel  any  law  passed  by  Con- 
gress, when  such  a  law,  in  the  opin- 
ion of  the  majority  of  the  judges  is 
unconstitutional,  is  extraordinary, 
cumbersome  and  unsatisfactory.  Congress  passes 
an  act,  which  may  remain  unchallenged  for  years. 
Finally,  however,  in  some  lower  court  the  law  is 
contested  on  the  ground  of  unconstitutionality.  By 
slow  and  painful  stages  it  at  last  reaches  the 
Supreme  Court.  Sometimes  this  process  takes 
as  little  as  two  years,  sometimes  as  much  as 
thirteen  years.  Meanwhile,  nobody  knows  whether 
the  law  is  constitutional  or  not  and  great  confusion 
ensues  as  a  result. 

Laws  passed  by  Congress  are  now  subject  to  two 
vetoes,  the  executive  veto  and  the  judicial  veto. 
Whether  or  not  the  executive  department  of  the  gov- 
ernment will  approve  of  the  law  is  quickly  deter- 
mined. The  President  is  given  ten  days  in  which  to 
act  and  in  case  his  action  is  negative,  Congress  may 
pass  the  bill  over  his  veto  by  two-thirds  vote.  It 
will  be  a  grave  question  whether  all  laws  of  doubt- 
ful constitutional  validity  should  not  be  submitted 
to  the  Supreme  Court  before  their  promulgation, 
and  the  court  be  compelled  to  pass  upon  llieir  valid- 
ity within  a  reasonable  time.  The  ([uestion  as  to 
whether  Congress  should  not  have  the  right  in  case 


of  the  judicial  veto  to  establish  the  law  over  the 
veto  by  two-thirds  vote,  must  also  be  considered. 
The  term  of  one  Congress  might  be  allowed  to 
elapse  before  the  passage  of  a  law  over  such  a  veto. 
Laws  passed  over  judicial  veto  would  have  the  force 
of  constitutional  amendments.  Had  such  a  power 
resided  in  Congress  the  Dred  Scott  decision  might 
have  been  overthrown  and  a  principal  cause  of  the 
civil  war  avoided.  In  England,  Parliament  is  as 
supreme  over  the  courts,  as  it  is  over  the  king,  and 
the  wisdom  of  its  supremacy  has  not  been  ques- 
tioned. 

Above  all,  however,  the  work  of  the  revolution 
will  be  the  overhauling  of  the  entire  system  of  Amer- 
ican law.  Law  administration  is  admittedly  intri- 
cate, slow,  costly  and  wholly  unsatisfactory.  The 
prime  need  is  for  sweeping  re-casting  and  codifica- 
tion of  the  American  law,  a  service  similar  to  that 
conferred  upon  France  by  Napoleon,  when,  under 
his  direction,  the  code  Napoleon  was  formulated. 

Our  judicial  checks  and  appeals  originally  set  up 
to  prevent  miscarriages  of  justice,  have  resulted  in 
the  very  thing  they  were  intended  to  avoid.  The 
litigant  with  the  longest  purse  may  prolong  an  ac- 
tion for  years,  even  though  he  may  be  obviously  in 
the  wrong,  and  wear  out  his  poorer  opponent.  The 
legal  profession  itself  has  become  a  sort  of  antique 
mystery,  one  of  the  least  modern,  least  trusted  and 
most  expensive  of  our  institutions. 


The  revolution  must  provide  for  a  thorough  revi- 
sion of  the  external  laws  and  of  law  administration 
in  the  direction  of  simplicity,  directness  and  com- 
mon sense.  This  done,  it  can,  when  the  new  system 
is  illuminated  by  the  modern  spirit  of  law,  contrib- 
ute vastly  to  an  approximation  of  justice  in  the 
world. 


VI. 

THE  REVOLUTION  AND 
THE  SPIRIT  OF  LAW 


XN  ADDITION  to  the  changes  here- 
tofore noted,  the  revohition  will  con- 
sider the  present  spirit  of  the  courts 
and  will  kindly  and  with  loving  care 
turn  it  upside  down.  It  will  apply 
nationally  and  truly  the  principles 
now  heing-  successfully  applied  hy  that  apostle  of 
true  law,  Judge  Ben  Lindsay  of  Denver. 

The  first  business  of  the  court  is  to  save  an  indi- 
vidual for  the  state.  It  is  the  shortest  and  most 
direct  method  of  protecting  both  persons  and  prop- 
erty. 

Judge  Lindsay  gave  the  world  an  example,  simple 
in  itself,  but  universal  in  its  application.  A  gang  of 
seven  boys,  everyone  of  whom  had  served  jail  sen- 
tences, had  stolen  five  bicycles.  The  leader  of  the 
gang  was  caught  and  because  he  refused  to  tell  any- 
thing the  police  gave  him  the  third  degree,  beat  him 
and  strapped  him  to  a  bed.  The  other  boys  were 
not  found  at  once,  but  their  records  were  looked  up, 
and  it  was  found  that  every  one  of  them  had  been 
in  jail. 

Lindsay  went  to  see  tlu  boy  who  was  stra])])ed  to 
the  bed.  The  first  thing  the  boy  said  to  him  was, 
"^V)u  can't  make  me  tell  on  tlie  gang."  ''That's 
right,"  said  Lindsay,  *T'm  glad  you  won't."  Whh 
insight  into  human  nature  the  judge  saw  the  finest 
quality  in  the  boy  was  his  sense  of  loyalty,  fnstead 
of  trying  to  destroy  this  one  good  (|uality  he  tried  to 


strengthen  it.  By  this  means  he  gained  the  boy's 
confidence.  He  told  the  judge  all  about  himself  and 
brought  the  boys  in  one  at  a  time  to  tell  about  them- 
selves. This  is  called  "snitching  on  the  square." 
Incidentally  the  bicycles  were  recovered. 

Some  of  the  police  officials,  however,  thought  the 
judge  was  entirely  wrong.  His  business  was  to 
protect  property  and  get  back  the  bicycles.  "Which 
would  you  rather  do,"  asked  Lindsay,  "save  five  bi- 
cycles or  save  seven  boys  ?  You  have  sent  all  of  the 
boys  to  jail  at  least  once  and  you  haven't  saved  them, 
so  your  plan  is  a  failure.  I  think  it  is  more  impor- 
tant to  save  the  boys,  the  bicycles  will  be  saved  any- 
how." 

Because  of  Judge  Lindsay,  six  of  the  boys  are  to- 
day upright  and  successful  citizens.  Only  one  of 
them  was  a  backslider. 

Judge  Lindsay  put  his  healing  touch  upon  the 
sore  spot  of  nearly  all  of  our  law  administration. 
The  judges  in  trying  to  save  property  overlook  the 
best  method  to  save  property,  which  is  to  save  hu- 
man beings. 

Lindsay's  policy  is  not  sentimental.  It  locks  up 
the  man  or  boy  in  jail  who  is  not  strong  enough  to 
resist  temptation.  But  it  locks  him  up  not  to  ])unish 
him,  but  to  help  make  him  strong.  It  aims  to  sup- 
press the  causes  of  crime,  gambling,  the  unnatural 
fostering  of  vice  for  commercial  profit,  such  as 
sweating  and  child  labor,  and  to  stimulate  the  social 


and  humane  forces  in  their  warfare  upon  the  anti- 
social and  crime  making  forces.  It  takes  full  stock 
of  human  nature,  its  passion  and  weakness  and 
seeks  correction,  not  by  brutal  pressure,  but  by  fos- 
tering the  equally  human  elements  of  love  and 
strength.  It  associates  the  physician  with  the 
judge,  and  recognizes  that  abnormality  and  disease 
are  not  sin.  Justice  will  take  the  bandage  from  her 
eyes  and  wake  up. 


VII. 

THE  REVOLUTION  AND 
DIRECT  LEGISLATION 


EPUBLICS  of  the  ancient  world 
failed  for  a  lack  of  the  representative 
principle  in  government.  In  Rome  all 
citizens  were  expected  to  meet  in  one 
place  and  to  vote  on  questions  put  to 
them  orally.  A  plan  possible  in  a  vil- 
lage, broke  down  with  the  increase  of  the  number  of 
citizens,  and  the  result  was  mob  rule  tempered  by 
despotism.  The  German  peoples  were  the  first  to 
apply  the  principle  of  representation.  The  founders 
of  the  American  Government  based  their  whole 
structure  upon  it,  to  the  exclusion  of  other  ideas. 

The  Nineteenth  Century  will  be  remarkable  in 
later  history  because  it  demonstrated  that  represen- 
tative government  could  be  modified  by  direct  popu- 
lar government,  thereby  retaining  the  benefits  of 
both  systems,  and  at  the  same  time  minimizing  their 
dangers. 

In  a  more  homely  way  Americans  worked  out  this 
idea  in  their  commercial  affairs.  They  created  cor- 
porations, in  which  the  stockholders  delegated  their 
powers  to  a  board  of  directors,  but  reserved  in  all 
cases  the  right  of  the  stockholders  by  special  action 
to  compel  the  directors,  either  to  take  a  course  de- 
manded or  to  retire. 

A  civic  community  or  state  has  an  advantage  over 
a  stock  company,  because  each  stockholder  in  the 
state  is  a  citizen  with  an  equal  interest  and  only  one 
vote  like  all  other  citizens.     There  is  no  possibility 


in  a  community,  as  there  is  in  a  stock  company,  of 
one  man  having  the  majority  of  the  voting  power. 

The  city  of  Galveston,  Texas,  has  apphed  the 
stock  company  theory  to  the  city  government,  plac- 
ing all  power  in  the  hands  of  a  commission,  subject 
to  the  votes  of  the  citizen  stockholders. 

By  the  initiative  as  practised  in  progressive  dem- 
ocracies, citizens  may  compel  a  measure  to  be  put  to 
popular  vote.  By  the  referendum  they  may  review 
the  work  of  their  representatives.  By  the  recall 
they  may  expel  an  unfaithful  servant  from  his  office. 

One  of  the  greatest  evils  of  the  unmodified  repre- 
sentative system  is,  that  a  man  by  false  pretenses 
may  secure  office  for  a  fixed  term,  and  relying  upon 
the  impossibility  of  his  constituents  removing  him, 
may,  for  profit  to  himself,  betray  their  interests  and 
work  all  manner  of  mischief. 

This  has  been  done  repeatedly,  not  only  by  indi- 
vidual legislators,  and  congressmen,  but  by  whole 
legislatures  and  whole  congresses,  as  well  as  by 
men  elected  to  executive  offices. 

These  democratic  devices,  by  which  direct  legis- 
lation by  the  people  is  possible,  are  seldom,  in  prac- 
tice, called  into  action.  The  fact  that  they  exist 
and  may  be  used  at  any  time  is  sufficient  in  the  ma- 
jority of  cases,  to  make  elected  officials  do  their  duty 
as  a  mere  matter  of  self  interest.  Without  these  de- 
vices the  unfaithful  official  may  get  greater  rewards 
by  betrayal  than  by  duty,  and  may  even  expect  re- 


election,  through  the  aid  of  a  boss  and  in  the  oonfth 
sion  of  a  general  election. 

The  cure  for  the  evils  of  democracy  is  more  dem- 
ocracy. 


VIII. 

THE  REVOLUIION  AND 
NATURAL  MONOPOLY 


V^^^^^     HE  democratic  revolution,  if  not  by 
M      (7*\     direct  action,  will  at  least  provide  the 

B  J     people  with  legislative  tools,  by  which 

^^^^^^  they  will  provide  that  the  govern- 
mental dog  shall  wag  its  own  tail. 
I  once  called  on  a  Governor  of 
New  Jersey.  We  spoke  of  corporation  control  by 
the  different  states.  He  at  once  took  the  position 
that  corporations  were  maligned.  In  illustrating 
his  point  he  asked  me  if  I  were  familiar  with  some 
of  the  activities  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  such 
as  the  benefit  funds  they  had  for  their  workmen. 
Opening  a  drawer  of  his  desk  he  took  out  several 
pamphlets,  such  as  are  issued  by  the  Pennsylvania 
Railroad  to  their  employes,  and  handed  me  two  of 
them.  I  do  not  think  this  governor  was  corrupt. 
He  merely  had  a  natural,  though  perhaps  undigni- 
fied respect  for  a  higher  power. 

The  State  of  Pennsylvania  has  fewer  and  poorer 
paid  employes,  less  ready  cash  in  bank,  and  less  ac- 
tual if  not  less  potential  power  than  the  railway  of 
the  same  name. 

Since  ancient  times,  governments  regarded  two 
things  as  natural  monopolies  to  be  held  strictly  un- 
der governmental  control.  These  were  coinage  and 
highways.  One  of  the  first  signs  of  the  emergence 
of  a  tribe  from  barbarism  into  national  existence, 
was  when  it  minted  its  own  coins.  Its  further  ad- 
vance was  indicated  when  it  began  to  build  roads. 


That  the  matter  of  coinage  or  currency  has  become 
more  complicated,  including  as  it  does  today,  bank 
credits  and  all  mediums  of  exchange,  has  not  made 
it  any  the  less  a  natural  monopoly.  That  railroads 
have  become  more  important  than  the  old  roads  does 
not  make  them  any  the  less  highways. 

For  a  long  time  with  us,  the  control  of  money  and 
exchange  has  been  given  over  practically  to  private 
companies.  In  France  at  a  time  of  crisis,  the  state 
bank  assumes  control.  With  us  in  time  of  a  money 
panic,  the  money  power  is  so  wholly  removed  from 
the  seat  of  government  and  from  governmental  con- 
trol, that  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  must 
leave  Washington  and  go  to  New  York  to  place  him- 
self in  the  hands  of  the  real  masters  of  the  situation. 

Through  the  creation  of  a  true  national  credit 
bank  and  by  post-office  savings  banks,  the  revolution 
will  help  the  government  to  resume  control  of  its 
own  currency.  The  National  Bank,  if  designed 
democratically,  will  follow,  in  a  measure,  the  exam- 
ple of  the  bank  of  France,  whose  widespread  useful- 
ness is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  its  average  loans 
are  only  $125.  Once  in  control  of  its  own  currency 
and  credit,  with  vast  deposits  in  the  national  and 
postal  banks,  the  government  will  be  in  a  position 
to  finance  with  caution  and  success,  plans  for  the  re- 
sumption of  highway  control. 

Today  our  government  may,  without  opposition, 
finance  such  unprofitable  undertakings  as  the  dredg- 


ing  of  harbors  and  the  deepening  of  rivers.  Oppo- 
sition to  government  investment  in  highways  has 
only  appeared  when  such  highways  might  be  profit- 
able. There  is  no  real  distinction,  and  if  there  be 
any,  it  is  in  favor  of  the  more  profitable  undertaking. 
Forty  per  cent,  of  the  revenue  of  the  Russian  Em- 
pire is  derived  from  government  railroads.  In  the 
Kingdom  of  Saxony,  the  greater  part  of  the  govern- 
ment revenue  is  derived  from  this  source.  In  Ger- 
many, government  railways  have  been  in  every  re- 
spect a  success.  France  and  Italy  have  arranged 
to  purchase  the  railways  in  their  territories.  The 
British  Government  is  taking  up  the  subject  with 
this  idea  in  mind.  Of  the  great  nations,  only  the 
United  States  has  lagged  behind  the  spirit  of  the 
age. 


IX. 

THE  REVOLUTION  AND 
SOCIALISM 


^^  ^  -^  HILE  the  revolution  will  restore 
^P  ■  ^^  public  property  now  privately  owned 
V  I  ■  to  public  ownership,  where  it  belongs, 
\^B ^^  it  will  not  seek  the  public  ownership 
of  private  property  as  advocated  by 
the  socialist  philosophy.  The  revolu- 
tion will  be  scientific  and  will  recognize  the  facts 
of  nature  and  of  history.  It  will  approach  the 
organization  of  human  society  in  the  spirit  that 
the  scientist  approaches  an  engineering  problem. 
One  of  the  first  lessons  learned  in  mechanics 
and  engineering  is  that  the  same  force  may 
either  be  destructive  or  useful,  according  to  the  man- 
ner in  which  it  is  employed.  The  river  torrent, 
once  dangerous  and  destructive,  may  be  harnessed 
and  made  to  supply  light  and  heat  to  thousands  of 
homes. 

Such  a  torrent  is  the  struggle  of  each  atom  and 
creature  in  nature,  including  man,  to  survive  and 
flourish.  The  success  of  the  whole  struggle  from 
the  protoplasm  to  civilization,  is  due  to  this  torren- 
tial force. 

The  engineer  who  noted  the  destructiveness  of  a 
swift  river  and  tried  to  solve  the  problem  by  stop- 
ping the  river  in  its  course  would  fail.  The  social- 
ist who  looks  on  the  destruction  wrought  by  selfish- 
ness and  individualism  and  tries  to  solve  the  prob- 
lem by  abolishing  the  force  itself,  will  fail.  He  has 
failed  in  every  single  socialistic  experiment  he  has 
ever  tried. 


Like  scientists,  the  men  of  the  new  revolution  will 
try  to  utilize  and  not  to  eradicate  all  the  forces  of 
human  nature.  As  the  engineer  keeps  a  river  with- 
in its  banks,  they  will  seek  to  keep  selfishness  within 
bounds,  and  as  the  engineer  makes  rushing  water 
turn  a  wheel,  they  will  study  to  make  selfishness 
promote  civilization. 

We  shall  make  railways  and  currency  national, 
because  they  are  natural  monopolies  and  the  public 
business  cannot  be  well  conducted  by  private  par- 
ties. There  remain  other  industries,  where  the  line 
between  public  and  private  business  is  more  obscure. 
For  the  evils  inherent  in  most  of  the  monopolies, 
public  competition,  where  necessary,  will  be  found 
better  than  public  ownership. 

When  Richard  Seddon  was  Prime  Minister  of 
New  Zealand,  a  body  of  capitalists  secured  all  the 
coal  mines  and  took  advantage  of  their  monopoly  by 
raising  prices  to  an  exorbitant  point.  New  Zealand 
had  already  acquired  railways  and  Seddon  was 
urged  to  buy  all  the  coal  mines  for  the  government. 
He  said  he  knew  an  easier  and  a  cheaper  way.  The 
state  bought  one  coal  mine,  and  began  to  sell  coal  at 
the  old  price.  He  met  monopoly  with  a  form  of 
competition  which  could  not  be  stifled  and  soon  all 
the  mines  were  selling  their  coal  at  a  reasonable  fig- 
ure. 

Later  the  New  Zealand  fishing  industry  united 
and  tried  to  put  up  prices.     When  fish  were  plenty. 


quantities  were  thrown  back  into  the  sea,  rather 
than  to  let  them  be  sold  at  a  reasonable  price.  Sed- 
don  said  the  state  would  send  out  fishing  vessels  of 
its  own.  This  time  only  the  threat  was  necessary. 
The  monopoly  surrendered. 

Science  knows  no  bogies.  It  deals  only  with 
facts.  That  a  fact  upsets  some  preconceived  theory, 
makes  it  none  the  less  a  fact.  Neither  ghosts  or  bo- 
gies will  frighten  the  government  of  the  future.  It 
will  deal  with  facts  as  they  are,  soundly,  clearly  and 
with  common  sense. 


X. 


THE  REVOLUTION  AND 
'     CHRISTIANITY 


V^^^^^     HE  new  revolution  cannot  but  fail  to 
m      C'^\     ^^^^^  inspiration  from   the   Supreme 

H  J     Revolutionist  of  history,  the  Christian 

^^^^^^^  Messiah.  The  corner  stone  of  the 
Christian  philosophy,  as  it  effects 
governments  and  human  society  is 
the  principle  of  the  protection  of  the  weak  by  the 
strong.  Unrecognized  by  politicians,  often  denied 
by  the  priests  of  Christianity,  this  principle  of  the 
protection  of  the  weak  is  scientific. 

Today  an  object  lesson  is  supplied  to  any  traveller 
who  will  cross  the  frontier  from  a  Mohammedan 
country  like  Turkey  into  a  Balkan  state  like  Servia, 
where  the  Christian  philosophy,  though  most  imper- 
fectly applied,  is  still  in  operation.  In  Turkey  the 
weak  have  no  protectors.  The  government  itself 
leads  in  despoiling  all  v/ho  cannot  resist.  As  a  re- 
sult, one  of  the  most  fertile  lands  in  the  world  is  al- 
most a  desert ;  houses,  where  they  occur,  are  huddled 
together  for  mutual  protection;  the  isolated  farm- 
house is  unknown.  In  Servia,  though  it  is  poor 
and  barbarous,  you  begin  to  see  isolated  vine-clad 
farm-houses.  They  are  protected  in  their  weakness 
by  the  idea  which  is  now  so  common  in  all  western 
nations,  that  many  have  forgotten  where  it  came 
from. 

As  the  engineer  employs  every  available  force,  so 
the  Christian  state  imperfectly  seeks  to  utilize  every 
available  man.     The  weak  and  inefficient  may  not, 


openly  at  least,  be  robbed  by  the  strong  and  efficient. 
The  weakest  man  can  add  something  to  the  wealth 
and  power  of  his  nation  and  the  strong  man  more 
than  any  other  gains  by  the  weak  man's  security. 
The  revolution  will  seek  to  protect  the  weak  more 
fully  and  effectually  than  now.  They  will  be  guard- 
ed against  crimes  of  greed  and  cunning,  as  carefully 
as  they  are  now  from  open  robbery  and  violence. 

In  society  the  forces  of  individuality  and  of  evolu- 
tion are  more  effective  when  they  are  controlled. 
Unchained  selfishness  wastes  itself  like  a  river  out 
of  its  bank.  The  more  the  Christian  theory  of 
equality  and  the  protection  of  the  weak  is  employed, 
the  better  are  the  fruits  of  the  earth  gathered,  the 
more  prosperity  there  is  for  all,  and  the  faster  do 
the  forces  of  evolution  carry  the  human  race  for- 
ward to  its  high  destiny.  You  can  march  faster 
with  the  procession  than  you  can  alone.  Enlight- 
ened selfishness  is  social,  not  anti-social.  In  human 
brotherhood,  the  human  unit  secures  its  greatest  in- 
dividual success. 


^ 


XI. 


EFFECT  OF  THE  REVO 
LUTION 


V^^^^^     HE  principles  of  the  new  revolution 
M     C''^\     ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^^  preceding-  chapters,  will 

H  J     apply  equally  to  the  government  of  the 

^^^^^^  cities,  of  the  states  and  of  the  nation 
as  a  whole.  Direct  legislation  is  pe- 
culiarly applicable  to  cities. 
One  hundred  years  ago,  we  had  no  cities  as  we 
know  them  today.  It  was  recognized  vaguely  that 
a  city  was  a  miniature  state,  and  most  of  them  were 
fitted  up  with  administrative,  executive  and  judicial 
departments  on  the  national  model.  The  modern 
idea  that  a  city  government  is  a  corporation  for  the 
conducting  of  common  business  was  not  in  the  least 
appreciated.  A  city  needs  a  legislature  about  as 
much  as  a  cat  does  two  tails.  An  elaborate  system 
of  checks  and  balances  in  a  government,  which  has 
practically  nothing  to  do  with  law-making,  is  an  ab- 
surdity. 

To  provide  direct  legislation  and  a  commission 
plan  of  government  w^ould  give  each  city  its  own 
revolution.  Up  to  this  time  municipal  government 
has  been  the  supreme  American  failure.  With  the 
modern  form  of  government,  cities  will  be  the  great 
American  success.  Municipal  ownership  of  street 
railways  and  of  gas,  water  and  electric  supply,  will 
be  essential.  With  the  disappearance  of  the  fran- 
chise hunter  will  go  the  greatest  corrupting  influ- 
ence in  the  present  city  administration,  and  with  the 
larger  responsibilities  the  local  government  assumes, 


will  disappear  another  evil,  the  political  spoils  sys- 
tem, under  which  efficiency  would  be  impossible. 
Municipal  employes  will  recognize  that  appoint- 
ment by  merit  and  security  of  tenure  in  office  are 
absolutely  essential.  Cities  in  Europe  have  found 
that  the  introduction  of  municipal  ownership  has 
done  away  with  franchise  hunting  and  the  political 
spoils  system,  and  the  same  result  would  follow  in 
the  United  States. 

The  revolution  will  extend  the  scope  of  education. 
A  great  national  university  will  set  a  new  standard 
in  research  and  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  will 
provide  a  meeting  ground  for  all  that  is  best  from 
the  universities  of  the  states.  Particularly  in  the 
cities  it  will  be  recognized  to  a  greater  degree  that 
education  does  not  stop  with  the  child,  but  is  impor- 
tant to  all  the  people,  and  that  music  and  art  are  as 
important  a  part  of  education  as  the  rule  of  three. 
Municipal  theatres  and  municipal  opera  houses  will 
l)e  undertaken  in  many  cities. 

The  importance  of  the  revolution,  however,  next 
to  a  great  quickening  of  democratic  sentiment,  will 
be,  that  it  will  provide  the  people  with  convenient 
governmental  tools.  Democracy  without  tools  must 
fail  in  much  of  its  building.  Most  of  our  failures 
up  to  this  time  can  be  attributed  to  a  lack  of  tools. 
With  adequate  tools,  we  may  press  forward  with 
the  hope  of  solving  all  the  problems  which  may 
plague  a  people.     Questions  of  local  and  national 


taxation,  of  income  and  inheritance  tax,  as  advo- 
cated by  President  Roosevelt  and  others,  which, 
without  tools  are  hopeless  to  secure,  may,  if  they  be 
thought  desirable,  be  imdertaken  with  tools  in  hand. 

Trust  in  the  people,  which  has  inspired  all  the 
world's  patriots,  will  have  a  new  meaning  and  a  new 
justification. 

The  revolution  is  for  liberty,  the  revolution  is  for 
progress,  the  revolution  is  for  brotherhood  and  for 
democratic  success. 


JOHN   VANDERCOOK  AND 
HIS  WORK 


V^^^^^  HE  "Complete  Revolution"  is  a  per- 
m  ^"^  'feet  expression  of  the  character  and 
H  J     ideals  of  its  author,  John  Vandercook. 

^^^^^^  He  was  an  idealist  of  the  highest  type, 
hut  not  a  dreamer.  He  believed  in  the 
power  of  moral  ideas,  practised  his 
belief  and  succeeded. 

There  is  an  added  touch  of  solemnity  as  well  as 
pathos  in  the  message  which  they  bear — a  voice 
from  the  dead,  as  it  were — for  the  chapters  were 
drafted  but  a  few  days  before  his  unexpected  death 
in  Chicago  last  April,  and  were  designed  for  edi- 
torial publication. 

It  was  the  writer's  privilege  to  know  John  Van- 
dercook in  his  boyhood  days,  and  later  to  share  inti- 
mately in  his  mature  ideas.  With  no  touch  of  eu- 
log}'  or  flattery  I  may  say  that  I  never  knew  a  nature 
more  gentle  and  dignified,  or  rr.ore  devoted  to  the 
public  welfare.  Not  only  was  he  gifted  with  philo- 
sophic understanding  of  the  needs  of  modern  life 
possessed  by  few  men,  but  he  had  a  rare  power  to 
suggest  practical  remedies. 

Trained  in  the  activities  of  newspaper  enterprise, 
surrounded  as  he  was  by  opportunities  for  merchan- 
dising his  talents,  he  ever  kept  before  him  the  nol)lcst 
ideals  of  professional  success  and  scorned  utilitarian 
advantage  which  conflicted  with  his  conceptions  of 
duty. 

The  breadth  and  scope  of  the  views  contained  in 


this  Complete  Revolution  touch  upon  basic  ques- 
tions, and  present,  in  epitome,  observations  concern- 
ing our  form  of  government,  its  theory  and  practice, 
which  are  demanding  the  profound  study  of  the 
statesman  and  scholar.  Many  of  these  views  will 
meet  with  criticism,  and  opposition ;  men  of  wisdom 
may  doubt  the  value  of  some  of  the  remedies  there 
suggested;  but  the  existence  of  the  wrongs  to  be 
righted,  and  the  need  of  a  form  of  government  more 
plastic  and  responsive  to  the  expression  of  our  civic 
tendencies,  state  and  national,  will  be  conceded  by 
all. 

At  the  time  of  his  death  John  Vandercook  was 
the  editorial  supervisor  of  the  United  Press  Asso- 
ciations. He  also  contributed  largely  to  the  edi- 
torials of  three-score  associated  newspapers  and 
was  a  large  factor  in  shaping  their  editorial  policies. 
Thus  his  daily  audience  was  composed  of  millions 
of  people  in  every  part  of  the  country  and  of  every 
station  in  life.  Those  of  us  who  knew  him  well 
realize  what  projects  were  left  unfinished;  but  to  the 
world  at  large  he  had  already  accomplished  a  life's 
work. 

Although  of  a  quiet  and  unassuming  manner,  his 
control  of  men  was  wonderful.  He  had  marked  de- 
gree of  power  to  carry  his  plans  into  execution  with- 
out apparent  struggle,  simply  by  the  pervading  force 
of  his  personality.  He  was  modest  in  all  his 
achievements  and  believed  in  doing  things,  not  talk- 


ing  about  them.  As  he  Hved  so  he  died,  a  man  of 
faith,  and  this  Complete  Revokition  is  of  the  fruit  of 
his  mental  and  moral  labor. 

Walter  DeCamp. 
Cincinnati,  December,  1908. 


AN    APPRECIATION 


The  following  appreciation  was  written  by  Judge  Rufus  B.  Smith,  of 
Cincinnati,  as  the  testimony  of  one  who  had  felt  and  tested  the  strength  and 
tfuality  of  John  Vandercook- 


^^  g^  OHN  VANDERCOOK,  President 
^.^  ■  and  General  Manager  of  the  United 
{^  M^  Press  Associations,  died  Saturday  at 
^L^^r       Chicago. 

He  had  been  stricken  with  appen- 
dicitis while  en  route  from  New  York 
to  Chicago,  and  was  unable  to  withstand  the  sur- 
gical  operation   which    followed.      After   a   brave 
struggle  against  death  he  succumbed. 

Thus  passed  away  one  of  nature's  noblemen. 
Born  in  1873,  and  at  the  time  of  his  death  but  35 
years  old,  he  occupied  one  of  the  most  prominent 
and  responsible  positions  in  the  American  newspa- 
per field. 

I  leave  those  more  competent  to  speak  than  my- 
self the  estimate  of  his  work  outside  of  Cincinnati — 
in  Cleveland,  New  York,  Paris  and  London,  and  the 
other  places  to  which  he  was  called. 

But,  having  known  his  work  as  editor  of  The  Cin~ 
cinnati  Post  in  the  memorable  year  of  1905,  and  hav- 
ing had  opportunity  to  judge  him  as  a  man,  I  wish 
to  pay  my  personal  tribute  to  his  genius  and  to  his 
admirable  and  loving  qualities  as  a  man. 

Of  a  slight  and  delicate  physique,  with  a  diffident 
and  somewhat  hesitating  manner,  the  first  impres- 
sion of  him  was  not  one  of  power.  The  brilliant 
eyes  that  looked  at  you,  however,  and  the  wonderful 
sanity  of  judgment  and  speech  soon  carried  convic- 
tion that  you  were  dealing  with  a  man  of  great  men- 


tal  force  and  one  with  that  finer  balance  of  judgment 
that  characterizes  the  man  pre-eminent  in  affairs. 

The  intellect  was  not  the  whole  man.  It  was  sup- 
ported by  great  strength  of  moral  character.  He 
loved  honor,  he  loved  the  truth  and  he  loved  justice, 
and  he  loved  to  fight  for  them. 

The  timid  and  politic  could  never  convince  John 
Vandercook  that  the  fight  should  be  postponed  to  a 
more  propitious  date. 

With  him  the  time  had  always  come.  It  was  now 
and  at  hand. 

The  porcine  element  in  a  community  always  char- 
acterizes such  a  man  as  an  idealist.  Whoever  loves 
honor,  truth  and  justice  better  than  power  and  self 
they  pronounce  impractical. 

But  he  was  not  an  idealist  in  the  sense  that  he  was 
ignorant  of  the  most  practical  method  of  accom- 
plishing his  ideals.  He  was  pre-eminent  also  on  the 
practical  side. 

When  this  man,  called  from  Paris  and  London  in 
1904  to  take  the  editorship  of  The  Cincinnati  Post, 
alighted  from  the  train  it  was  an  event  in  the  history 
of  the  city. 

He  found  a  city  the  entire  administration  of 
whose  public  affairs  was  in  the  hands  of  an  oligar- 
chy of  corrupt  politicians,  headed  by  a  political  boss 
whose  dictatorial  and  impudent  arrogance  had  as- 
sumed national  proportions.  The  city  had  become 
the  laughing  stock  of  the  country. 


The  idealist,  seated  in  an  editor's  chair,  deter- 
mined to  overthrow  this  huge  machine.  The  first 
shot  fired  by  him  was  regarded  with  mingled  feel- 
ings of  fear,  amazement  and  incredulity  by  the  great 
number  in  the  community,  of  high  and  low  degree, 
that  were  fed  on  the  crumbs  that  fell  from  the  Dives' 
boss.  The  triumph  of  an  idea  was  beyond  their 
comprehension. 

While  other  causes  contributed  to  the  reform  vic- 
tory of  1905,  it  was  The  Cincinnati  Post  that  inau- 
gurated the  contest,  and  that  was  the  principal  cause 
of  the  victory,  and  at  the  head  of  The  Cincinnati 
Post  was  John  Vandercook. 

This  management  of  The  Post  in  the  campaign  of 
1905  was  as  brilliant  a  piece  of  newspaper  work  as 
this  country  has  ever  seen. 

He  remarked  on  one  occasion  that  "You  cannot 
always  reach  the  people  with  a  violin ;  sometimes  you 
must  beat  a  bass  drum."  Vandercook  was  a  full 
orchestra  in  himself.     He  played  every  instrument. 

This  brilliant  work,  recognized  in  his  profession, 
led  to  higher  honors,  and  he  left  Cincinnati  to  as- 
sume greater  possibilities. 

In  his  personal  relations  this  militant  reformer 
was  one  of  the  most  agreeable  and  loving  of  men. 
With  a  mind  broadened  by  travel,  with  a  loving 
heart  and  aflFectionate  ways,  he  bound  his  friends  to 
him  with  bands  of  steel. 


I  do  not  profess  to  know  where  the  good,  the 
brave,  the  true,  the  gentle  and  the  loving  go  when 
they  die,  but  I  do  know  that  wherever  they  go  John 
\^andercook  has  gone. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 

This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


Form  L9-50m-4,'61(B8994s4)444 


8 


Vandercook     - 


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revolution 


AA      000  044  656 


AC 

8 

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